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12.06.2026 à 10:51

Bellingcat Investigation Team
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On February 15, 2026, the bulk carrier, Grumant (IMO: 9385879) was pictured at the occupied Ukrainian Port of Feodosia on the Crimean peninsula. Satellite imagery suggests it had already been there for several days.  It appeared to stock up on grain before departing on a two-month-long journey eventually docking at the Port of Benghazi in […]

The post Heading Off: New Technique Helps Track Grain Smuggling Expansion to Libya appeared first on bellingcat.

Texte intégral (6334 mots)

On February 15, 2026, the bulk carrier, Grumant (IMO: 9385879) was pictured at the occupied Ukrainian Port of Feodosia on the Crimean peninsula. Satellite imagery suggests it had already been there for several days.  It appeared to stock up on grain before departing on a two-month-long journey eventually docking at the Port of Benghazi in Libya on April 18.

While there have been previous reports of grain shipments from occupied Ukraine arriving in Libya, this is only the second time a Russian ship has been observed delivering what the Ukrainian government describes as “stolen” grain to the country. The previous case involved the Damas Wave which travelled in January of last year to the port of Misrata which is under the control of the UN-recognised Government of National Unity (GNU). In addition to satellite imagery, Bellingcat deployed a new technique that analysed Grumant’s heading data which was contained in AIS information provided by Lloyd’s List Intelligence, to help confirm Grumant’s presence in Feodosia. 

Bellingcat has been tracking smuggled Ukrainian grain shipments as they find new markets, five of the ships we previously identified have since been sanctioned by the EU while another was sanctioned by the US Department of Treasury.

MapLibre | Protomaps© OpenStreetMap contributors

Bosphorus Strait

Grumant transits the Bosphorus Strait in the middle of the night.

Credit: Yörük Işık.

Black Sea

Grumant enters a region of the Black Sea known for GNSS interference, meaning that Grumant’s publicly reported Automated Identification System (AIS) position is unreliable.

Port of Feodosia

On February 15, a high resolution satellite image confirms the ship is docked at the port of Feodosia at berth No. 1 that is used for bulk and metal cargo. Matching features visible include Grumant’s grey decking, its seven hatches and bright yellow front mast. What appears to be leftover grain can be seen under the two port crates, immediately next to the ship.

Credit: Satellite image ©2026 Vantor.

Black Sea

Grumant exits the area of signal interference, meaning that its reported position on ship tracking services is now reliable again. Its AIS messages indicate it is travelling towards the Bosphorus.

Bosphorus Strait

Grumant transits the Bosphorus Strait towards the Sea of Marmara. Judging by the draft, with no visible red paint on its hull, the ship appears to be fully laden.

Credit: Yörük Işık.

Izmir Anchorage

Grumant arrives in Izmir, Turkey on February 23 and anchors off the coast until March 13.

Over the course of three weeks, Grumant never enters the Port of Izmir. It is not known if it was denied entry. Bellingcat asked the port operators but did not receive a response before publication.

Credit: Planet Labs PBC.

Aliağa

Grumant then loiters off the coast of Aliağa, about 50 km from Izmir. It stays here until March 16, never entering the port. It again is not known if it was denied entry. Bellingcat asked the port operators but did not receive a response before publication.

Near Benghazi

Grumant arrives in Libyan waters and stays off the coast of Benghazi until April 1.

Libyan Waters

Grumant briefly leaves the coast of Benghazi, but returns a few days later.

Benghazi

Grumant leaves the anchorage on April 18 and docks at the port of Benghazi where it unloads the grain. The ship was captured in a Vantor satellite image on April 20.

It leaves port on April 23, and heads back towards the Bosphorus.

Credit: Satellite image ©2026 Vantor.

Bosphorus Strait

After spending a few days off the coast of Tuzla, Grumant transits the Bosphorus towards the Black Sea.

Credit: Yörük Işık.

Lloyd’s List Intelligence has previously reported on the expansion of Russia’s grain smuggling operations, beyond the occupied port of Sevastopol to include Feodosia port

According to the Ukrainian activism, journalism and hacker group, Kiborg News, Grumant used deceptive shipping practices to deliver grain to Latakia, Syria in 2024. The report included several of Grumant’s shipping manifests, which showed it had repeatedly exported grain from Occupied Crimea to Syria. 

Heading Data Helps Locate Grumant

It is standard maritime practice that ships broadcast Automatic Identification System (AIS) messages which include a ship’s position, heading, and draught (among other information).

Because of longstanding Global Navigation Satellite System (GNSS) interference in parts of the Black Sea, the position data transmitted by an affected ship’s AIS system is often unreliable.

Between February 7 and February 19, 2026, data from Lloyd’s List Intelligence shows the Grumant transmitted 29 AIS messages, with unreliable positions in the vicinity of Feodosia. We know these positions are unreliable as they are erratic and some of them report the ship as being positioned on land.

Unreliable AIS positions – Grumant’s reported positions between February 7-19, 2026, via Lloyd’s List Seasearcher.

However, according to the IMO, the heading data transmitted by a ship’s AIS system must come from an onboard compass. A compass is unaffected by GNSS interference, meaning it is a more reliable source of information in these conditions.

Over the same dates, all 29 AIS messages reported the ship’s heading as 267 degrees or 268 degrees. The Port of Feodosia has a heading of 267.5 degrees. The close agreement between the ship’s heading and port heading strongly suggests that Grumant was moored at the port between February 7 and February 19, 2026.

We conducted an extra check of the heading data by reviewing satellite imagery available of berth 1 at Feodosia Port, which suggests that the same vessel was present on several days between February 6 and February 18. Imagery on Feb. 6 shows the port was empty in the morning and occupied in the afternoon. Grumant exited the area of GNSS interference on February 21, and berth 1 at the port was captured on satellite image on February 22 and appeared empty. The low resolution satellite imagery is only used as an additional check to see if a vessel is at the berth.

Timeline of open source observations related to Grumant’s presence (tick) or absence (cross) at Feodosia port. Empty entries indicate a lack of available data.
Sentinel-1 timelapse of Feodosia Port, Copernicus Sentinel data 2026. Annotations by Bellingcat.
PlanetScope timelapse of Feodosia Port, Planet Labs PBC. Annotations by Bellingcat.

Bellingcat checked all vessels transmitting AIS in the vicinity of Feodosia Port and found that Grumant was the only one that consistently transmitted a heading matching the Port of Feodosia over the period of interest.

We shared our research with Charlie Brown, a former US Naval Officer and Senior Advisor at United Against Nuclear Iran where he focuses on maritime sanctions enforcement and the tracking of illicit shipping. Brown told Bellingcat that while satellite imagery of vessels remained key for identification, when looking for reliable data in a spoofing environment it made sense to look at the various elements of AIS data to try and find some accurate information, despite GNSS spoofing.

“It’s quite standard for the independent gyro compass to be providing the heading […] I think the majority would not [be subject to spoofing] so it’s a good methodology to parse out the particular data and then make some inferences from that.”

“It’s neat to think of what can be derived from data that would otherwise be dirty or wrong. So there’s still some elements of use in there.”

He added that in theory there are probably some compasses that are subject to spoofing as well. 

He told Bellingcat that it was fair to say the heading data of the Grumant supported identification, but stressed the need to cross-reference with other data sources. 

While in this instance it has been possible to use AIS data to help verify the location of Grumant, it is relatively unusual to have access to this information. 

Ships that call to the occupied territories frequently disable their AIS transponders to do so.

This activity, known as “dark port calls”, is a common tactic for those engaging in illicit or sanctioned trades. 

Grumant does not transmit AIS messages from February 8 to 11, but this is the longest gap in data (see diagram above), with intermittent messages coming through after that point.

It is unclear why Grumant continued to transmit AIS during the period it was loading in Feodosia. 

A review of Lloyd’s List Intelligence data from January 2025 shows that on a previous voyage to the Black Sea the Grumant operated “dark” for 59 days.  

Visual Identification

On February 15, 2026, high resolution imagery showed Grumant docked in the Port of Feodosia. We compared it with other recent images of Grumant to confirm the match. 

The ship in the satellite image has a grey-coloured deck, which is uncommon enough for it to stand out. Many bulk carriers have cranes (including the ships we previously covered such as Krasnodar, Zafar and Zaid), Grumant does not have any. It also has seven hatches (openings for the grain) and a bright yellow front mast that matches the mast of Grumant (see the image of it transiting the Bosphorus). We can match the Grumant in the Feodosia image, not only to pictures of the Grumant shot from the ground, but also to the satellite image from Benghazi.

The length and breadth of the ship also matches that of the Grumant; 180 metres by 22.90 metres. 

Libya’s Relationship with Russia and Ukraine 

Libya has complicated internal dynamics with essentially two administrations in charge of different parts of the country – the Government of National Unity (GNU) in the west and the Libyan National Army (LNA) in the east.

In recent years, Russia has backed the LNA’s General Khalifa Haftar, based out of Benghazi, in the east of the country. But Jalel Harchaoui, a political scientist specialising in Libya with the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI), stressed that the two sides of this conflict, the LNA and the UN-recognised GNU, are not currently fighting. Instead they are in a flawed, multi-year truce.

Therefore, the east-west divide isn’t as clear-cut as during the civil war. While all shipments going to Benghazi and Tobruk are overseen by the LNA, not all shipments going to the city of Misrata (which is run by the GNU) are meant for the GNU-dominated part of the country. 

Harchaoui told Bellingcat: “the Tripoli government is in some regards pro-Ukraine, but if there’s business that can be done with Russia through the very opaque port of Misrata and all the right people get paid, the business is going to take place.”

That observation is potentially significant given at least one previously tracked vessel that went from occupied Ukraine to Libya docked in Misrata.

This was not the case of the Grumant, however, which arrived in an LNA-controlled part of the country. It is not known from open sources alone if the authorities in Libya or at the port in Benghazi knew the grain carried by Grumant had come from occupied Ukraine.

Bellingcat contacted the Benghazi-based LNA government and representatives of the Tripoli-based GNU government via the Libyan Embassy in The Netherlands. We also contacted the Port of Benghazi, Port of Imzir in Turkey as well as the Ukrainian and Russian authorities. Representatives of the LNA did not respond to requests for comment before publication, nor did the Port of Benghazi or Port of Izmir. The Libyan Embassy in The Netherlands replied to Bellingcat after publication, stating that Benghazi and eastern Libya are not under the authority or administrative control of the Government of National Unity and therefore they are not currently in a position to comment on Bellingcat’s findings.

Ukraine Continues to Pursue the “Shadow Grain Fleet”

“The port of Feodosia, located in the temporarily occupied Autonomous Republic of Crimea, is not under Ukrainian control, and any commercial activity conducted there is illegal,” the Ministry for Development of Communities and Territories of Ukraine and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine told Bellingcat in a joint response. 

They told us the loading of grain exported from the temporarily occupied territories is an illegal act and Russia was using ports as logistics centers to export stolen Ukrainian agricultural products.

“The expansion of such routes to third countries, in particular to North Africa, demonstrates Russia’s ongoing efforts to circumvent international sanctions and monetize resources stolen from the occupied Ukrainian territories.” 

The Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent information about Grumant’s (IMO: 9385879) “illegal activities” to the diplomatic missions in Great Britain, the Republic of Turkey and the Republic of Tunisia over the course of March to May this year, the ministries told Bellingcat. 

Ukraine is continuing to pursue legal action against Russia’s “shadow grain fleet” they told us. For instance, earlier this month a Swedish court approved the transfer of the Russian “shadow grain fleet” vessel CAFFA to Ukraine for investigation after it was arrested in Swedish waters. 

This case has set a new precedent, going beyond sanction and fines previously handed out to such vessels, and allowing for the detention and confiscation of a shadow fleet vessel in European jurisdictions, the ministries said.

According to Russian court documents Grumant’s previous owner Murmansk Shipping Company was dissolved and “Decision/Reshenie” LLC were listed as the International Safety Manager and operator of Grumant. Decision/Reshenie were also listed as the operator of Grumant in another court document, from an unrelated case. 

Bellingcat attempted to contact Decision/Reshenie to ask about Grumant’s grain shipment from Feodisia Port to Benghazi Port, but they had not responded at time of publication.


Youri van der Weide, Galen Reich, Yörük Işık and Bridget Diakun contributed to this report.

Cover image: Planet Lab image shows Grumant anchored off Izmir, Turkey on February 27. Credit: Planet Labs PBC.

Bellingcat is a non-profit and the ability to carry out our work is dependent on the kind support of individual donors. If you would like to support our work, you can do so here. You can also subscribe to our Patreon channel here. Subscribe to our Newsletter and follow us on Bluesky here, Instagram here, Reddit here and YouTube here.


The post Heading Off: New Technique Helps Track Grain Smuggling Expansion to Libya appeared first on bellingcat.

04.06.2026 à 14:27

Lucy Swinnen
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“In the age of misinformation, the line between fact and fiction is blurrier than ever.” “For those of us working in video news, verification isn’t a nice-to-have. It’s a necessity. It is how we protect the stories we help shape and how we earn and maintain trust in an increasingly chaotic information ecosystem,” Abu Dhabi-registered […]

The post Tracing Digital Links Between Viory and Ruptly appeared first on bellingcat.

Texte intégral (3700 mots)

“In the age of misinformation, the line between fact and fiction is blurrier than ever.”

“For those of us working in video news, verification isn’t a nice-to-have. It’s a necessity. It is how we protect the stories we help shape and how we earn and maintain trust in an increasingly chaotic information ecosystem,” Abu Dhabi-registered video news agency Viory posted on LinkedIn on April 9, 2026, offering training to help newsrooms and journalists sort fact from fiction. 

The self-described “video news agency of the Global South” has delivered journalism training to multiple national press agencies across Africa, Asia and the Middle East.

However, when it comes to Viory itself, the line between fact and fiction is very blurry indeed. 

Bellingcat has found multiple links between the digital infrastructure of Viory and Ruptly news agency, a branch of sanctioned Russian propaganda outlet Russia Today, including shared IP addresses, a Viory-linked site using a digital security certificate registered to Ruptly, and Ruptly sending site performance data to Viory. While there have been previous reports on suspected links between the two outlets, our investigation adds new evidence about Viory’s ties to Ruptly media. 

When contacted for comment, both Viory and Ruptly denied any connection with each other.

Composite Image created by Bellingcat.

‘Video News Agency of the Global South’

Viory’s main offering is raw video footage of news events provided via subscription. According to Viory, its clients include “major international news outlets, local media organisations, and independent creatives in more than 170 countries”.

If its own figures are to be believed, Viory was strikingly well established at its launch in November 2023, by which time it claimed to have a “pre-assembled team of over 150 full-time staff, and an established network of over 3,000 video journalists across the world”.

The name “Viory” is a trade name. The company’s legal name is Darpo Vision FZ LLC, according to its website, which also states that it is registered in Abu Dhabi. In August 2024, Darpo Vision FZ LLC filed for a trademark in the US for the name Viory, which was approved in December of 2025

As of May 2026, Bellingcat found press releases and news reports referencing at least 30 agreements between Viory and partners in more than 22 countries, as well as cooperation agreements with government agencies, training agreements with universities and regional journalism bodies. 

This includes:

Viory also sponsored a glitzy event for its inaugural Global South Video News Awards in December 2025 at Abu Dhabi’s first-ever BRIDGE Summit.

Ruptly Revisited

Ruptly is a video news agency formerly based in Berlin and ultimately controlled by Russia Today (RT), which is owned by Russian state media company ANO TV-Novosti. ANO TV-Novosti has been on the EU sanctions list since December 2022 for spreading “pro-Kremlin propaganda and disinformation” and supporting Russia’s war against Ukraine. 

RT launched Ruptly, which operated in Berlin via a German-registered subsidiary in 2013, with the goal of “becom[ing] the go-to alternative resource in a highly concentrated market of professional news video footage, and to deliver coverage of stories that other agencies miss.”

Sanctions imposed on RT following Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine choked off Ruptly’s source of funds in Germany, leading the German company to begin insolvency proceedings in October 2024. Ruptly continues to operate from Moscow as of 2026.

As with Viory, Ruptly’s main offering is providing raw news footage to subscribers around the world. It relies on a large network of international freelancers and stringers. In 2016 RT claimed that Ruptly had “surpassed” newswire services AFP and Reuters on YouTube, and was serving more than 600 media organisations in 45 countries.

Felix Huesmann of the German outlet RedaktionsNetzwerk Deutschland (RND), was the first to outline links between Ruptly and Viory while covering the insolvency proceedings of Ruptly. He found that Darpo Vision’s original details on the Abu Dhabi Creative Media Authority’s site included an email address d.toktosunova@gmail.com. It has not been confirmed who this email address belongs to; however, the username matches the first name initial and surname of Dinara Toktosunova, the managing director of Ruptly. When asked about this email address by Huesmann  in 2024, Ruptly “explained that Toktosunova is focused on securing the future of the Ruptly team [in Moscow] and is not working anywhere else as a managing director.”The activist group, OSINT For Ukraine, also outlined links between Ruptly and Viory, including the movement of multiple key staff between the two organisations and strong similarities between the two organisations’ platforms and content.

Darpo Vision’s Security Certificate

The legal entity behind Viory, Darpo Vision, was set up in one of Abu Dhabi’s free zones – special economic areas that have business-friendly incentives such as tax exemptions and that allow 100 percent foreign ownership. The free zones also offer what some describe as high levels of “corporate privacy,”  which others assert has created a haven for shell companies and opaque corporate structures.

Darpo Vision initially had its own web domain, darpo.vision. The site has since been removed. Whois records show that the domain was registered by Darpo Vision FZ LLC in December 2022 to a PO Box in Abu Dhabi, using a Russian domain name registrar and a Moscow phone number. 

Initially, Darpo.vision had its own Secure Sockets Layer (SSL) certificate – a digital certificate that authenticates a website’s identity, allowing it to secure and encrypt data. However, VirusTotal data shows that as of at least June 2024, darpo.vision was using a wildcard SSL certificate registered to ruptly.video. A Wildcard SSL certificate is a single certificate with a wildcard character (*) in the domain name field. This allows the certificate to secure a single domain and multiple subdomains. You can see historical SSL certificates for darpo.vision.


James Wilson, a software and networking engineer with 20 years of experience and currently Enterprise Technology editor at Risky Business Media, told Bellingcat that to prevent unauthorised use or forgery of SSL certificates, a private key is needed to create and use a wildcard certificate across multiple domains. 

“The fact that darpo.vision was using a wildcard SSL certificate for ruptly.video indicates that whoever was running darpo.vision also had access to the private key for ruptly.video’s SSL certificate. Normally, only the people operating Ruptly’s web hosting infrastructure would be likely to have access to that,” Wilson explained. 

When asked by Bellingcat about whether there were alternative possible explanations, Wilson suggested that it was theoretically possible that someone may have hacked Ruptly and stolen their private SSL key. 

“However, using that wildcard SSL certificate on a domain that didn’t match the wildcard in the certificate defies explanation as the browser would alert the user to the certificate error,” he added.

Shared IP Addresses

Bellingcat also identified multiple shared IP addresses which appeared to be concurrently in use by both Ruptly and Viory between May 2025 and May 2026. 

From 2025 onwards, the Russian IP address 158.160.132.25 has been used concurrently by viory.video, ruptly.video, ruptly.agency and ruptly.tv, according to VirusTotal. Similarly, since the beginning of 2026, IP address 84.252.135.88 has been used concurrently by viory.video, viory.team, ruptly.video, ruptly.agency and ruptly.tv, according to VirusTotal. 

VirusTotal data shows that from 2025 onwards, IP address 158.160.166.22 has been used by ruptly.video and viory.video while from 2026 onwards, IP address 158.160.226.68 has been used by viory.video and ruptly.tv. The VirusTotal data appears to show these IP addresses being used exclusively by Ruptly and Viory as of 2025 and 2026. However, VirusTotal does not necessarily capture all domains which resolve to an IP, and other domains may also have resolved to these IP addresses, which were not observed by VirusTotal’s passive DNS replication service. It is also important to note that in some cases, unrelated domains use the same IP addresses.

Ruptly Sends Site Performance Data to Viory

Viory’s and Ruptly’s site infrastructure was also linked through data sent via Sentry, an internal error tracking and performance monitoring platform. 

An API scan of Ruptly’s main client login page, ruptly.agency, on March 26, 2026, shows that the page was sending data to a subdomain of viory.team. This domain appears to be used by Viory primarily for backend purposes, based on subdomains which appear to refer to common developer and site management tools such as Traefik and ArgoCD, in addition to Sentry.io. Notably, two subdomains also appear to refer to Ruptly. 

The purpose of one domain sending data to another domain’s Sentry project is generally to consolidate all of the relevant performance and error data in one place for in-house developers to monitor. 

The ruptly.agency page’s request to viory.team also includes an authentication key for Viory’s Sentry project. Ruptly.agency is not the only Ruptly domain sending Sentry data to viory.team. As of May 9, 2026 the login page for ruptly.video’s own Sentry project, sentry.ops.ruptly.video, automatically redirects to sentry.ops.ruptly.video/auth/login/viory/. Ruptly Video’s Sentry login page also features “Viory” as the title.

The ruptly.video Sentry login page is also sending data to the viory.team Sentry project, the ruptly.agency homepage and using a favicon hosted on viory.team.

A third Ruptly domain, ruptly.tv, also sends performance data to viory.team’s Sentry project via cms.dev.ruptly.tv. 

James Wilson noted that in each case, the Ruptly domains sending data to Viory appeared to be using a different Sentry key.

“If you look at each of these snippets sending telemetry data [from the Ruptly domains], the specific Sentry keys for sentry.ops.viory.team are different for each. I presume that someone with access to Viory’s Sentry keys has generated and included fresh Sentry keys in each of these instances in order to differentiate between the telemetry from this site versus others using the same Sentry instance,” Wilson said. 

“This cuts against the idea that this is, for example, a case of someone just lazily copy-pasting code on Ruptly’s domains. It suggests that each of these snippets was likely to have been deliberately included. The alternative explanation of changing these API keys to some arbitrary value seems much less plausible given the lack of diligence in ensuring other aspects of the content didn’t cross-reference the domains.”

‘Ruptly’ Page Title on Viory Test Page

Finally, Bellingcat found a page at frontend.dev.viory.video/en that appears likely to be a developer test page for the front page of Viory’s main domain viory.video.

Notably, however, the page title reads “Stream trending news | Ruptly.” The page description included in the source code also refers to Ruptly:  

“Follow breaking world news in real-time and stream the latest developments in politics, sports, finance, science, tech, and more from one of the top online news sites. Download and share international news today with award-winning news agency Ruptl” [sic].

Screenshot of frontend.dev.viory.video/en page, captured May 10th 2026. Archived source.

Wilson said that the use of the Ruply page title and text on the Viory test page “looks like a case of lazy copy and pasting”.

“That could potentially be done by someone outside of Ruptly, although it would be strange.”

While this particular piece lies on the lower end of the spectrum of proof, Wilson said that together with the other stronger pieces of evidence, including multiple Ruptly domains appearing to send data to Viory using different API keys, and Ruptly’s wildcard SSL certificate on Darpo Vision’s site, the weight of evidence for a connection between Ruptly and Viory adds up.

“None of the pieces of evidence are watertight on their own, but when you add them together it’s difficult to think of other plausible explanations for all of them being true at the same time,” he added.

“None of the pieces of evidence are watertight on their own, but when you add them together it’s difficult to think of other plausible explanations for all of them being true at the same time,”

-James Wilson

Bellingcat also found that Ruptly appears to have connections to a company in Hong Kong. Company records from July 2022 indicate that this company was originally named Ruptly Limited, but in September of that year, the company’s name was changed to Lotus Production Limited. 

The Hong Kong company remains registered as active and filed annual reports in September 2025.

Russian Slant in the ‘Global South’ 

Anna Hiller, a Bangkok-based Consultant Research Analyst for the Institute for Strategic Dialogue told Bellingcat that the resources provided by Viory can be an attractive pool of source material for smaller media outlets, governments and academic institutions with small budgets.

She told Bellingcat that Viory’s editorial choices are clear when looking at the site’s videos.

“When accessing Viory, the prominence of pro-Russian and pro-China content is immediately noticeable, including numerous articles focused on Vladimir Putin, Russia-China cooperation, and broader China-related narratives.”  

Bellingcat contacted Viory, Darpo Vision and Lotus Production Limited to ask about the connections we found between the Viory website and Ruptly and between Lotus Production Limited and Ruptly. 

Viory said that it had no connection with Ruptly. “Viory has no connection with Ruptly; any suggestion otherwise based on ordinary use of similar digital platforms, tools or cloud providers is poorly founded and inaccurate; Viory is a UAE-based, privately held, self-funded and 100% privately owned organisation, and receives no funding, direction or instructions from any state media,” the company said in an email response. 

Ruptly also said it was not connected to Viory. It declined to respond to Bellingcat’s questions, including about specific findings such as Ruptly’s domains sending technical performance and error data to Viory, calling these questions “irrelevant”.


Bellingcat is a non-profit and the ability to carry out our work is dependent on the kind support of individual donors. If you would like to support our work, you can do so here. You can also subscribe to our Newsletter and follow us on Bluesky here, Instagram here, Reddit here and YouTube here.

The post Tracing Digital Links Between Viory and Ruptly appeared first on bellingcat.

27.05.2026 à 11:41

Pooja Chaudhuri
img

A “river of blood” was how one survivor described the scene in western Myanmar. “I saw shooting. I saw mass killing.” Another told the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHRC) how 20 relatives, including three children, had been killed in the 2024 attack on Htan Shauk Khan village. Human Rights Watch (HRW) said earlier […]

The post The ‘Lost’ Villages of Myanmar’s Rakhine appeared first on bellingcat.

Texte intégral (12639 mots)

A “river of blood” was how one survivor described the scene in western Myanmar. “I saw shooting. I saw mass killing.” Another told the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHRC) how 20 relatives, including three children, had been killed in the 2024 attack on Htan Shauk Khan village.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) said earlier this month that the Arakan Army (AA) “may have killed at least 170 Rohingya men, women, and children” in Hoyyar Siri (known as Htan Shauk Khan in Burmese) in Buthidaung Township. It described the May 2, 2024, attack as a “massacre”.

Buthidaung is one of the two townships in Rakhine State that is home to the majority of the Rohingya, a mainly Muslim ethnic minority in the predominantly Buddhist Myanmar.

At least 40 villages in Buthindaung were burned down in April and May 2024 amid clashes between the AA, an ethnic armed group fighting Myanmar’s military junta for control of Rakhine, and junta forces battling to retain their hold of the township.

Both sides committed abuses against civilians during the clashes, according to HRW. The military junta’s forced conscription of Rohingya to fight on its behalf has also intensified violence against them. 

The military and Rohingya armed groups began arson attacks in Buthidaung township in April 2024. By mid-May the AA had captured all junta bases, according to the think tank, the Australian Strategic Policy Institute. The destruction of Buthidaung has previously been documented by Bellingcat. 

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The AA has denied accusations that it massacred civilians in Buthidaung, claiming that those killed were junta soldiers and Rohingya militants.

Bellingcat emailed the United League of Arakan, AA’s political wing, about the alleged attack on civilians but did not receive a response at the time of publication. Myanmar’s Ministry of Defence also did not respond to our questions. 

Evidence of civilian harm in Myanmar is slow to emerge and difficult to obtain due to the military’s strict control of the region and the tight grip of armed groups such as the AA in areas they control. 

“The mass killing could only be confirmed more than a year later,” the recent HRW report said, “when survivors eventually crossed into Bangladesh and found their way to the Rohingya refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar.” 

Aerial imagery shows that Htan Shauk Khan was almost entirely destroyed in May 2024.

False-colour infrared map from Copernicus on Planet Insights Browser shows exposed ground in grey or tan, indicative of possible damage, in the village.

Erasing Homes

A new investigation by Bellingcat has identified 115 villages in Rakhine State, similar to Htan Shauk Khan, as partially or completely destroyed since the February 2021 military coup that overthrew Myanmar’s democratically elected government.

The data points to a pattern of violence that leaves civilian areas uninhabitable and in some cases, erases them completely.

MapLibre | Protomaps | Planet Labs © OpenStreetMap contributors

Several buildings were set on fire when the junta allegedly dropped a bomb on the Muslim village of Zu La on Nov. 3, 2024. The fire was captured nearby on NASA FIRMS.

Satellite imagery indicates that it was attacked again on Dec. 9, 2024. Visible smoke can be seen rising from the village.

Zu La is located in Maungdaw Township. Along with neighbouring Buthidaung, Maungdaw is home to the majority of Myanmar’s persecuted Rohingya.

Zu La, and the neighbouring village of Gone Nar, previously faced violence during the 2017 Rohingya genocide.

Satellite imagery from that year shows them completely burned to the ground.

They show signs of reconstruction after 2017.

But repeated attacks in 2024 destroyed the villages again.

Neither of the villages appears on the latest maps from 2024. These are produced by the United Nations mapping unit, based on Myanmar government maps.

Steve Ross, Senior Fellow at the US nonprofit Stimson Center who is leading the ‘Crisis in Myanmar’s Rakhine State’ project, told Bellingcat this is part of the military’s broader campaign to deny the existence of the Rohingya and erase identity in Rakhine.

Bellingcat contacted the Myanmar government but had received no response by the time of publication.

Villages in Mungdaw are inured to cycles of violence. Ywar Haung, a village south of Zu La, has stood barren since 2017.

So has Kan Kya, where the military built the Border Guard Police Battalion No. 5 (BGP5).

All four villages are among the growing number of Rakhine’s lost settlements.

Six of the 10 villages we found partially or totally destroyed in Maungdaw in 2024 aren’t marked on the UN’s township map.

Removing more villages from the map remains a possibility, Ross said. However, following this April’s elections, which critics dismissed as a sham, the military is eager to restore international credibility and avoid actions that might be seen as provocative, the expert told Bellingcat.

The AA announced the capture of Maungdaw when it seized BGP5 on Dec. 8, 2024.

And with that the armed group gained full control of Myanmar’s entire border with Bangladesh.

Shortly afterwards, the AA took control of the strategically important Ann Township in central Rakhine.

The armed group announced it had captured the headquarters of the Western Regional Military Command on Dec. 18, 2024.

It shared a video of the headquarters and nearby military installations burning.

Local residents in and around the township were trapped, displaced or forced to flee their homes due to the months-long fight for Ann.

According to reports, the military entered Pyaung Chaung village and burned it down on Oct. 31, 2024.

Satellite imagery from Nov. 1, 2024, shows large-scale damage in the village. There were reports that the military warned residents to evacuate the village a week before the attack.

Ross believes that the military’s intention has been to try to make Rakhine as ungovernable as possible if the AA gains full control of the state.

Nearby villages of Yat Thar Ywar Thit

and Pyaung Thay show similar evidence of destruction.

Sittwe city, the capital of Rakhine State, has become a focal area of fighting since late 2025. The city is in Sittwe township, one of the three townships still under junta control.

Su Mon Thant, Asia-Pacific analyst at Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED), said capturing Sittwe would be highly symbolic for the AA as no non-state actor has yet taken control of a state capital in the country.

The AA already controls areas along an India-backed transport corridor in Myanmar that includes a port in Sittwe.

Sittwe is surrounded by water on three sides. Capturing it would be challenging, with the military maintaining naval superiority and building defences in and around the city to deter a potential AA offensive, Ross said.

On Dec. 27, 2024, the AA attacked the Kyauk Tan checkpoint near Sittwe on the highway linking the capital to Yangon, the largest city to the south of Rakhine.

There are many villages near the checkpoint.

Like Taw Kan

where, according to local reports, junta forces carried out an arson attack that destroyed 80 houses on Jan. 15, 2024.

Bellingcat found at least 13 villages near the checkpoint that had been destroyed, with only a few remaining structures. All but one of them were attacked in 2024-2025.

Less than 4km from the checkpoint is Yar Tan

which appears intact in a March 2024 Google Earth image

but several buildings look destroyed in high-resolution satellite image on Google Earth from March 2025.

Trenches and military outposts began appearing near the village around Nov-Dec 2024.

They grew as the months passed. However, due to a lack of updated high-resolution satellite images, we cannot tell whether these are currently in use or to what extent.

There are also villages that appear to have been replaced with defensive structures. For example, Kan Pyin Ywar Haung, for which the latest available high-resolution satellite image shows trenches on both sides.

Although such structures are clearly visible in high-resolution satellite imagery, lower-quality images can also help indicate whether a village was replaced with fortifications.

Kan Pyin Ywar Thit, located just south of Kan Pyin Ywar Haung, appears to have been completely destroyed; however, the same criss-crossing lines are not visible across the village.

Similar fortifications appear in other villages.

Defence infrastructure has replaced villages on the outskirts of Sittwe, making it more difficult for AA to advance towards the city, said Ross.

Bellingcat also found at least 10 villages partially or totally destroyed in Kyaukpyu Township since fighting intensified in February 2025.

Kyaukpyu, which has abundant oil, natural gas and marine resources, is also home to a junta naval base

As well as Chinese infrastructure projects that the AA fully or partially controls.

Nearly all the villages we found to be destroyed or damaged are within a 10km radius of the naval base.

In early March this year, clashes took place between the AA and the military near Say Maw village, located less than 5km from the base.

NASA FIRMS detected fire in the village and the surrounding areas on March 23, 2026.

The latest high resolution satellite image on Planet from April 2026 shows flattened buildings in the village.

A month earlier Saing Chon Dwein village, also less than 5km from the base, was reportedly burned down by the military.

The fire was caught on a Feb. 9, 2026 lower resolution satellite image

with burnt areas distinguishable the next day.

Like Sittwe, Kyaukpyu is surrounded by water, making it difficult for the Arakan Army, which lacks naval capabilities, to seize control. “AA has some advanced drones reportedly, but these areas also have jamming technology,” said Thant.

Methodology

The data was compiled using news reports, including social media channels, ACLED, satellite imagery and NASA FIRMS. The names of the villages were corroborated using the UN’s Myanmar Information Management Unit (MIMU), news reports and Planet Labs. 

We only included areas where the destruction was clearly visible in high-resolution satellite imagery or significant enough to be detected in mid-resolution images. Our data is not exhaustive and the true number of affected villages is likely to be higher.

While it is difficult to ascertain whether the villages we found damaged or destroyed showed signs of reconstruction, at least five of them appear to show some buildings rebuilt in latest available satellite imagery.

Military Control Is Slipping

Last month, in the first election since Myanmar’s 2021 coup, the pro-military parliament chose junta chief Min Aung Hlaing to be the next president.  

According to research group Data for Myanmar, at least 65 townships were excluded from voting, including the 14 in the AA’s control. In Rakhine’s 17 townships, voting was held in only three still under junta control – Kyaukpyu, Sittwe and Manaung.

The AA resumed attacks against the junta in Rakhine in November 2023, ending a year-long ceasefire.

Data published by the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED) and analysed by Bellingcat reveals a sharp increase in the military’s air and drone strikes in Rakhine. After the AA resumed its offensive, strikes rose from 30 in 2023 to 461 in 2024. By the end of 2024, the AA had captured all but three townships in the state.

Bellingcat found that strikes were then concentrated in the townships where the junta is fighting to maintain control. They decreased in 13 townships captured by the AA and remained unchanged in one during 2025. By contrast, attacks increased in Kyaukpyu and Sittwe, yet to be captured by the AA. Data for Manaung is unavailable.

ACLED’s data comes from multiple sources, including news reports and social media. While the data is not exhaustive, a broad trend can be identified. You can read further details and caveats about the data here.

Su Mon Thant, Asia-Pacific analyst at ACLED,explained that the military conducts clearance operations to prevent the AA from using villages as buffers or shelters – a tactic employed across the country. “At the same time, it’s a warning sign for other villages,” she said, adding that when one village is set ablaze, it sends a signal to other villages not to “accept, shelter or harbor” armed groups. Thant also noted that people are displaced when their village is destroyed, eroding support for armed groups as locals suffer the consequences of the fighting. 

The AA has vowed to take control of all of Rakhine by 2027 and success may bring a geopolitical shift in the region. The armed group’s control over Kyaukpyu and Sittwe will give it significant leverage, with both India and China having infrastructure projects in the townships, Steve Ross of the Stimson Center told Bellingcat.

But neither side can control the state without further alleviation of civilian suffering, Ross said. According to UNHRC data, there are almost half a million internally displaced people (IDPs) in Rakhine as of March 30, 2026.

Estimated total IDPs in March-April of each year. Data prior to 2022 is unavailable. Source: United Nations Human Rights Council. Chart: Created on Datawrapper, edited on Adobe Illustrator by Pooja Chaudhuri/Bellingcat

In Sittwe township alone, about 120,000 Rohingya have been displaced by communal conflict since 2012. 

“People displaced from other parts of Rakhine State during the war are in Sittwe, hundreds of thousands of civilians,” said Thant, adding that neither side can control the capital without significant loss of life.

There are also 1 million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. The futures of both the refugees and IDPs remain uncertain. 

“Nobody can go home yet at this stage,” said Thant.


Bellingcat is a non-profit and the ability to carry out our work is dependent on the kind support of individual donors. If you would like to support our work, you can do so here. You can also subscribe to our Newsletter and follow us on Bluesky here, Instagram here, Reddit here and YouTube here.

The post The ‘Lost’ Villages of Myanmar’s Rakhine appeared first on bellingcat.

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